In February 2003, the devastating Station nightclub fire in West Warwick almost immediately established the new governor as both decisive and compassionate, as he led the state in grieving for the 100 patrons killed in the blaze and organizing relief for their families and more than 200 survivors.
He also maintained the role of reformer, pushing implementation of “separation of powers” designed to keep the General Assembly’s hands out of executive functions and opposing full-fledged casino gambling. (Carcieri has nonetheless presided during a huge expansion of state-sponsored gambling.)
The governor, in fact, did organize his “Big Audit,” deploying teams of state workers to look for greater efficiency in government, which his Web site claims has saved $279 million through the end of this month.
And defying longstanding conventions that state labor unions were all-powerful, Carcieri persuaded the General Assembly to curb state employee pensions and clear the way for workers to contribute to their health insurance premiums.
“I think he changed the conversation,” says Brown University political science professor Darrell West. “He has put issues on the agenda that were considered sacrosanct and nobody wanted to address.”
West says Carcieri also displayed political savvy.
“He understood he couldn’t change everything, and so he picked targets where he thought he could win,” the professor says. “He focused on state unions that he saw slipping in power and were therefore vulnerable to attack.”
The downside, West says, is that “sometimes the rhetoric has been sharp, and there certainly has been an increase in polarization in the state.”
West, whose public opinion surveys track Rhode Island political currents, says that while Carcieri faces a more difficult second term, he cannot be counted out.
Despite his narrow victory last November over former Lieutenant Governor Charles J. Fogarty, Carcieri remains popular with voters, with 59 percent in West’s January poll saying he’s doing a good job.
But the slim margin of victory may have diminished the governor’s standing with legislative leaders, who, West says, “understand strength and weakness, and they know the guy barely survived.” Further, House Democrats are no longer fighting among themselves, something Carcieri exploited earlier.
The irony, says West, is that legislators still aren’t in a strong position to trump Carcieri, because of the “dreadful” budget shortfalls. “The problem is that there’s no money,” he says. “The overwhelming budget situation is almost forcing them to follow his policy agenda.”
The Gov: no second thoughts
If Carcieri has any regrets about winning a second term or wishes that the two-year $400 million budget shortfall and the $102,000 typist were Charlie Fogarty’s problems, he’s keeping that a state secret.
Late on a recent afternoon, Carcieri is in his Capitol office, sans suit coat, but with necktie squarely in place and shirtsleeves primly rolled down to the wrist and buttoned.
Relaxed and trim at 64, Carcieri characteristically chuckles and laughs frequently during an hour-long interview, spinning anecdotes and musing on how governors in bigger states have plenty of places to “go hide,” but that Rhode Island chief executives must constantly go to one event after another: “People expect to see you.”
Does he have second thoughts about his second term?
“Nah, not at all,” he says. “I mean, I love this job, okay? And it really is very exciting — most of the time. Is it difficult? Yes. Do we have challenges before us? Yes. But I feel more positive about the state than ever.”
As to the economy, he’s proud of his 20,000-jobs target, which has almost been reached. What’s more: “Setting a goal is something you do all the time in business, because what? It focuses everybody’s attention.”
State finances certainly are a worry, Carcieri says. But for the moment, he’s done his job by proposing a balanced budget, and now the rest is up to the General Assembly.
Carcieri says he’s worked hard to turn around Rhode Island’s reputation as a high tax state — it’s why he’s worked to curb state worker and service program costs.
As for problems with outside contracts, Carcieri notes that his administration immediately moved to alter the contract that produced the $102,000 typist’s bill, and that he ordered a thorough review of all state contracts.
Reminded that he had replaced Almond’s DOT director with his own appointees, and therefore could no longer claim outsider’s status, the governor says, “I understand that.” But he adds that state and federal audits failed to find the problems, so “there were no flags” warning of the problem until it was revealed by the ProJo.